Saturday, July 28, 2018

On United Nations Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review


To:
(1)  Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs
12/F, East Wing, Central Government Offices,
2 Tim Mei Avenue, Tamar,Hong Kong 
(Attention: Team 5)

(2)  Council Business Division 2
Legislative Council Secretariat
Panel on Constitutional Affairs
Legislative Council
7 May, 2018
PFA’s Submission to the Authority and Legco concerning Report of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region for the United Nations Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review (title amended)

Dear Sir/Madam,

1.   This is Parents for The Family Association’s (PFA) supplementary submission regarding the captioned subject to the HKSAR Authority and the Legco panel further to our earlier submission on 12th January 2018. I refer to your paper LC Paper No. LC Paper No. CB(2)1265/17-18(01) for discussion on 30 April 2018 which concerns “List of outstanding items for discussion”. Among which, the paragraph with the heading “Submission of reports by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government to the United Nations under international human rights treaties” attracts our attention. After some web search effort and noting from your relevant documents, we come across the mechanism of Universal Periodic Review under the ambit of which Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs is coordinating the current consultation and the drafting of the concerned review report.

2.  Having downloaded the background UN Human Rights Council (HRC) document[1] RES 5/1, we note from it the following paragraph as follows:
3.    The universal periodic review (UPR) should:
(a) Promote the universality, interdependence, indivisibility and interrelatedness of all human rights;
(b)   Be a cooperative mechanism based on objective and reliable information and on interactive dialogue;
(c)   Ensure universal coverage and equal treatment of all States;
       ……….
(g)   Be conducted in an objective, transparent, non-selective, constructive, non‑confrontational and non‑politicized manner;

3.    Let me first state here that PFA’s slogan is “Love your family and contribute to your society”. Regarding the UN HRC document (RES 5/1), we have the following comments:
a.         While 3(a) of RES 5/1 claims that they would promote the indivisibility and interrelatedness of all human rights, there are situations where different kinds of rights do conflict with one another. For instance, the recent development of transgender rights does clash with that of the gender rights of women in UK[2]. Other examples include reverse discrimination cases concerning the restriction of religious freedom and free expressions against same-sex marriages, sexual orientation and transgenderism[3].

b.         3(b) of RES 5/1 asserts a cooperative mechanism based on objective and reliable information for the UPR. However, we note in HK that the surveys and forums organized or run by the pro-LGBT organizations (e.g. the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC)) have a marked tendency towards biasedness as well as unsound information or data. I would like the HKSAR government to take note of it and help advance our question of how the UN Human Rights Commission can maintain a valid cooperative mechanism giving the aforesaid shortfall and partiality to the concerned agencies.

c.          It is admirable to note in 3 (c) of RES 5/1 that the UPR will ensure universal coverage and equal treatment of all States. Nevertheless, we doubt very much such a claim. The reason is quite straightforward as the UN is well known for its internal competition and conflicts among the participating nations, especially the leading powers in manipulating UN deliberation and decisions. For instance, the US was free from UN’s sanction with its unsanctioned Operation Desert Storm (17 January 1991 – 28 February 1991) against Iraq in response to Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait. One should note that Iraq had been openly condemned by the UN of its invasion while the US simply ran free. This is not only unfortunate but unjust and unfair.

d.         We agree that any valid and well-intended action should be conducted in an objective, transparent, non-selective, constructive, non‑confrontational and non‑politicized manner as per 3 (g) of RES 5/1. Unfortunately, the state of matters surrounding the UPR and its agenda is often filled with internal and external disputes, confrontations and politicized advocacy. With HK as an example, the LGBT camp has been seen very active in bringing about judicial reviews and legal appeals of such cases conducive to major social controversies and disharmony. For instances, we have seen in January 2018 that 3 so-called transgender complainants, who have undergone only partial sex reassignment surgery, made claims by filing judicial reviews in the high court against the rejection to recognize them as trans-males by HK’s authority (Q v. Commissioner of Registration – HCAL 229/2015, R v. Commissioner of Registration – HCAL 154/2017, TSE, Henry Edward v Commissioner of Registration – HCAL 189/2017). Should their cases be allowed, the existing gender definition and order would be overturned without consulting and negotiating with the general public in HK. Their acts are considered radical and extreme which might trigger legislating from the bench should the judgments were dealt with in a surprising and pro-LGBT manner! Indeed, HK is not alone in terms of such activism aiming at overturning the conventional order and traditions of a region or country. Some examples will be cited in the following paragraphs.

e.          PFA would like to comment that ideologies or legislations with an equality label do not always produce true, constructive and non-confrontational equality. It is more often than not, when such equality concerns sexual orientation, gay marriage and transgender rights, that reverse discriminations and inequality would be generated as a result.

4.         The examples pertaining to PFA’s comment in the previous paragraph (3.d.) are many. We would only cite a few in order to illustrate our worry and point. They are:
a)     W.W. Bridal Boutique in Bloomsburg, PA, USA to Close after Deadly Threats: https://radio.foxnews.com/2018/03/30/bridal-shop-to-close-after-deadly-threats/)
c)     Teacher accused of 'misgendering' child was told by police that she committed a hate crime: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/2018/02/23/teacher-accused-misgendering-child-told-police-committed-hate/)
d)    AFL clears transgender footballer Hannah Mouncey to play in state women's leagues: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-02-13/afl-transgender-player-hannah-mouncey-to-play-vflw-football/9443590)
e)     Controversy over Transgender women are welcome in the Ladies’ Pond: http://www.hamhigh.co.uk/news/transgender-women-are-welcome-in-the-ladies-pond-say-hampstead-heath-swimmers-1-5339359)
f)      The Ashers Baking Company's case (religious freedom vs inequality accusation): https://www.christian.org.uk/case/ashers-baking-company/
It is sad and unfortunate to say that we can easily add similar cases to our list. For instances, there are many other relevant cases as registered at https://blog.scs.org.hk/category/逆向歧視/ To sum up, we do think that we have illustrated our worry and point with the above citations. We would summarized our observation by pointing out that the UN HRC’s UPR principles are far from what they claim to be fair, constructive and non-confrontational. Indeed, they are unrealistic and often biased towards the LGBT agendas.

5.    We wish to reiterate our former opinion of 12 Jan 2018 as per para. 3.d. in our previous submission, namely, Hong Kong is mainly a Chinese society and has returned to China since 1997. We are now under the One Country Two Systems constitutional setup. It is something unprecedented and unique in the world. The existing UN system with its instruments are mainly designed for independent countries having an undeniable presence and influence from the major western countries and principalities ever since its establishment[4] on 24 Oct. 1945. Such a background has complex implications for UN’s neutrality and unbiasedness. As a result, many of its proclamations and instruments were not and have not been fully recognized or enacted by any particular country in the world. Accordingly, there is NO reason why HK should follow a strict and verbal adherence to the UN instruments or charters even though HK was signed into a number of its conventions by our former sovereign state (i.e. UK).

6.     As a matter of fact, UN is subjected to a number of controversies and criticisms ever since its establishment in 1945. It is stipulated in Article 2 of the UN Charter that:
1. All the member states are equal.
2. The member states shall fulfill their obligations to the UN honestly.
………., and
7. No member state shall interfere in the internal affairs of any other state.

The reality is UN lacks adequate funds to meet all its objectives. The 5 permanent members of the UN Security Council have disproportional influences over UN decisions. Some critics have attributed the UN deficiency to its cumbersome and excessive bureaucracy. Probably the most controversial issue with the United Nations is the Oil-for-Food scandal[5]. It is sufficient to state here that UN’s performance and credibility are at risk while UN does has an aspiration and profound goal for maintaining world peace and safe-guarding humanity with a set of common principles. As a contrast, we find the former Chinese premier Chou En-lai’s Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence[6] much more agreeable, realistic and helpful in solving international disputes. One can also refer to the Guardian’s report[7] entitled “70 years and half a trillion dollars later: what has the UN achieved?” for a more in-depth look at the UN problem.

7.     The government’s “Third Report of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China in the light of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights” (The 3rd Report) (http://www.cmab.gov.hk/doc/en/documents/policy_responsibilities/the_rights_of_the_individuals/ICCPR_3rd_report_en.pdf)
Pertaining to which, we have a special opinion on Article 26: Right to equal protection before the law. We agree to the government’s stance as prescribed in para. 26.10, namely, “at this stage, self-regulation and education, rather than legislation, are the most appropriate means of addressing discrimination in this area. We will continue to address discriminatory attitudes and promote equal opportunities on ground of sexual orientation through public education and administrative means, with a view to 120 fostering in the community a culture of mutual understanding, tolerance and mutual respect.”

8.   PFA wishes to express our deep concern and objection again to the ideas of enacting legislation that specifically prohibits discrimination on ground of sexual orientation and gender identity. We are equally opposed to the legalizing of same sex marriages. The main reasons are as per items (a)-(f) of para. 3 of our earlier submission of 12 Jan. 2018. We would like to emphasize again that marriage between one man and one woman is of paramount importance as it, as an institution, is the foundation of families. In turn, families are the foundation of our society as spelled out in Article 23 of INTERNATIONAL COVENANTON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS (ICCPR). Any imprudent and rush effort to interfere or upset the aforesaid marriage institution would result in grave consequences to our society at least in the medium to long term (if not immediate)!

9.     We agree with Legislator Dr. Priscilla Leung’s comment[8] that it is unsuitable to push forward for the so-called anti-discrimination laws on either sexual orientation or other gender equality grounds including transgenderism. Reverse discrimination is certainly one of the drawbacks of such legislation. However, it is even more detrimental to our education system and its autonomy will be at stake. PFA has to point out also that the extended consequences of such anti-discrimination legislation are much more than the average citizen can foresee. With solid and relevant examples from the western world where such legislations are in place, we are worried and agitated to say that the LGBT(+) agendas are catalysts toxic to the natural marriage of one man and one woman. It would overturn the sexual order and deprive parents of our conventional and appropriate rights (right to choose the type of schools for our children, right to know about our children’s privacy for purposes of protection, etc.). For both the religious institutions and the average citizen, the concerned legislation would confine and limit our freedom in terms of speech, conscience and religion. Things as put forward in para. 4 of this submission are typical examples of the various infringing consequences.

10.  We also note that Legislator Mr. Raymond CHAN Chi-chuen urged the government to produce a timetable on enacting the anti-discrimination laws regarding sexual orientation and related LGBT agendas (https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=eVJ9yzLvwNM). We strongly oppose to such a request with the various reasons put forward in this submission, especially those highlighted in the previous paragraph.

11. PFA would reiterate again that the government should conduct an independent review and scrutiny by relevant independent experts on the legitimacy of the content of so-called discrimination law review (DLR) and consultations done by the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) to see if the EOC has any ultra vires motions or unjustifiable actions in producing the relevant DLR reports. We would urge the government to take a proactive stance to bring about well-intended peer review to scrutinize the operation and mandate of EOC. For instance, Dr. Alfred Chan, the chairman of EOC, has been criticized and involved in a number of allegations. The following links are brief reports for reference:
It is worth noting that Dr. Alfred Chan was of the opinion that he and the general public of HK has yet to decide on whether it was right to accept self-declaration as a means of gender identity in a media interview on 23 Dec. 2017. It is just about 10 days away on 2 January 2018 that EOC announced that it supported self-declaration as a means of gender identity[9]. We reason that either Dr. Alfred Chan has changed his mind rapidly or the EOC management was out of his control so that his view is no longer representative. As such, the government has a due responsibility to find out the actual reason behind this weird event. Perhaps, the EOC really needs a timely overhaul.

12.  PFA wish to bring up the importance of Article 27 of the Basic Law guaranteeing HK residents shall have freedom of speech, of the press and of publication; freedom of association, etc. Article 141 of the Basic Law stating that community organizations and individuals may, in accordance with law, run educational undertakings of various kinds in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is also relevant. Furthermore, Article 5 states clearly that the previous capitalist system and way of life shall remain unchanged for 50 years in Hong Kong. This promise should include the one man and one woman marriage institution as marriage is the foundation of the natural family which in turn is the foundation of the society. Indeed, both the government and HK citizens should endear and honour the Basic Law as our mini-constitution.

13.    As HK is still subject to the British Common Law practices, we wish to cite Lord Penzance’s classic judicial definition of a “Christian Marriage” in Hyde v Hyde[10] (1866), namely,

  • “Marriage is an institution. It confers a status on the parties to it, and upon the children that issue from it. Though entered into by the individuals, it has a public character. It is the basis upon which the framework of the civilized society is built;”
Lord Penzance rightly and sharply pointed out the importance of marriage as a foundation of the society. Besides, it is through marriage that our children are to be born and bred legally. Thus, the family arising from such natural marriages would be the core and facility for reproduction, education and upbringing of our children who would become the successors of the human society at large.

14.  In terms of child protection, we would opine that the best way to do so is through a positive interaction and promotion in the community level. Thus, the general citizens should have easy access to facilities or organizations designed with a view to promote family values and assist needy families. The average citizen coming of age for marriage should be encouraged to receive marriage counselling and sound family value courses. Such counselling and family value elements could be taught through the education system of HK. As HK is a rather busy and stressful society, post-marriage and family support services should be made available to the needy ones. Hopefully, the society and the average citizen would then be well aware of the importance and contributions of marriage and family to the wellbeing of our society which in turn would increase the sense of belonging of Hong Kong residents. Legal or government control should be seen as the background support and the last resort to uphold child protection otherwise HK will become a very legalistic society where coherence and harmony would likely be superficial and costly. We therefore agree with the authority that there is no need for establishing another human rights institution to duplicate the functions of or supersede the existing human right mechanism in HK (see para. 2.3 of The 3rd Report).

15.    Last but not least, the government should be held accountable for any misleading and false claims or information as submitted by organizations such as the EOC or any person with a personal interest should such claims or information be accepted without vetting or factual verification. In terms of changes especially those radical changes such as gender recognition and the so-called comprehensive sex education as pushed forward by liberal activists from either the UN or the western world, we would humbly request the government to conduct comprehensive scientific and fact finding studies before any official endorsements are granted.

Submitted by

Mr. Howard Lai,
President, PFA
Email: parents4family@gamil.com

Monday, April 30, 2018

致香港特別行政區立法會 資深司法任命建議小組委員會意見書

反對任命英國何熙怡女男爵及加拿大麥嘉琳女士為終審法院法官

各位尊敬的委員議員:

本人是香港護家協會現任會長黎浩華,敝會是以「愛護家庭,建設社會」為宗旨,本人是政治中立,然自覺有愛國愛港之心,更望香港能在一國兩制下能安定繁榮,好讓市民能安居樂業,並讓香港能繼續成為國家南方的一顆明珠,做到利人利己,以至能貢獻祖國!

就香港法治的近年的亂象,我實在不吐不快,例如本地有大法官竟然針對1999年為基法22條和第24條之居港權釋法一事[1]透過判詞表明,香港法院有權有責,審核人大常委會的行為是否抵觸《基本法》云云[2]亦有如本港大律師公會等團體反對人大釋法,認為釋法做法會對香港的人權和司法獨立構成損害。後來2001莊豐源案香港終審法院判決中,賦予中國大陸户籍居民在香港誕下的孩的居港權,這判決不單止跟相關的1999年人大釋法原意有所抵觸,引起了本來是不必要的所謂雙非問題爭議﹝即父母皆非香港永久居民而在香港出生的中國籍嬰兒;見[3]﹞,亦造成日後眾多內地居民來港產子的後果,加重了本港一些設施和服務上的負擔,亦打亂了香港在人口規劃和服務配套的措施。

香港回歸已踏入第21年,期間人大釋法不過6次﹝有人說5次﹞,雖然每次釋法皆是對應一些香港本身不能妥善處理的問題和處境,本來是理所當然,亦是基本法為香港設定的一個解決爭議之出路,不過,這幾次釋法,都引起一些團體以至民間的爭議和反響,實在是令人失望,亦令人憂慮!本人深信 閣下必然知悉其中的現象與問題,當中所涉及的社會和政法等問題,亦是作為香港市民和議員所關所切的。

今次本人致函 閣下,乃由於行政長官於本年321日公佈接納司法人員推薦委員會推薦﹝即本港法例第92章下設立之委員會﹞,任命英國最高法院院長何熙怡女男爵,及前加拿大最高法院首席法官麥嘉琳,為終審法院非常任法官,這消息一出,便引來本港一些護家維婚的人士作出反響,認為很有商榷之處,基本原因是該兩位女法官是著名撐性解及同性婚姻等平權之人士,故其委任很易會催化本港同性婚姻以至跨性別平權議題之爭議和訴訟!

本人作為護家協會會長,自有同感,然而,我有更具體之反對理由,也是針對香港現已回歸祖國21載之光景,其間可說是順利過渡,但基本法之全面推廣以至其應有之社會認受性仍是不太理想,其中原因如前述本地一些法律界人士﹝包括法官及法律專業團體等﹞對人大過去的釋法甚有保留,以至是反對的聲音,這一現象實在令人堪虞!因為香港是個法治社會,而基本法正是香港的小憲法,它既賦與亦延續了香港過往之法治基礎,同時為一國兩制奠定根基,本應是香港鎮山之寶,其中加入了人大釋法之條款,卻使部分人士不滿,因而受到出奇的攻擊,這現象真有點怪異!

想當年鄧小平先生鏗鏘作決,提出以一國兩制之方針解決香港回歸之憂慮,鄧老同時強調以互讓互諒之精神,及透過委任愛國愛港之人士出任香港回歸後主要職位,務求使香港平穩過渡,以至能安定繁榮!可惜,今日香港吵鬧之聲不絕,例如一個利民之西九高鐵站堂計劃,竟惹來無端之猜測,說三道四,更不堪者是大律師公會竟發文質疑相關之人大釋法欠缺法理根基[4]!當中突顯了一些人士對香港回歸祖國的理解和情懷實在強差人意!

在今天社會尚存紛紜之語,民間亦有分化之嫌,政府施政往往被立法會及法庭拖著後腿,本來是獨立互維的三腳鼎﹝即行政、立法及司法﹞,當中行政一腳本是主導,但今天施政者不暢,而有志從政者亦有因而卻步者,此時此地,若當局還只顧甚麼與國際接軌,而忽略香港與祖國之發展民生接軌,並忘記一國兩制是一個嶄新而微妙的事物,因為中國實行的是社會主義,而香港則是資本主義,兩者有著潛在矛盾,若不能好好協調,就會變得水火難容,但若能上善若水,便可取得背靠祖國,並能馳騁世界之利。否則,若只知謀香港之利而忘祖國之期盼,令人憂矣!

返回行政長官於早前公佈接納司法人員推薦委員會推薦一事,試問一個長期在外國生活的外國人,她們怎能體察香港之民情?又怎能明白一國兩制之契機大要?一位一生只投入英聯邦普通法制之法官,那來對基本法之熱忱?並信誓旦旦地擁護她一生未經之法門?一位視西方人權概念有近乎絕對凌駕地位之人士﹝如香港大學某某著名法律學者﹞,她怎能在判案時心思熟慮地去作出不令中國尷尬之相關判例?最可怕者,她卻可以身居終審法官之要職,那來愛國愛港呢?這豈不是在一個精心設計好的基礎上投下一個計時炸彈,一旦爆發,便會觸發憲政危機呢!

香港素以清廉為傲,這有賴相關之法規和廉政設施,亦有賴港府用人緊慎,例如所有高官以至公務員入職前都有一定的品格審查,但今次任命英國何熙怡女男爵及加拿大麥嘉琳女士,何來品格審查呢?難道真的是外國月亮總是更圓的,所以不必審查?本人懇請 閣下細心研究一下相關之法治隱憂,切勿匆匆通過相關的委任推薦一事,至少要召開公聽會,讓大眾市民可以發表聲音和見解。

如有查訽,可電2528 xxxx 找本會許小姐,以便我們作出回覆,順頌 時祺

護家協會會長 黎浩華上
聯絡電郵:parents4family@gmail.com
郵址:新界馬鞍山郵箱438

副本送逹
林鄭月娥特首 ceo@ceo.gov.hk
律政司司長 sjo@doj.gov.hk
港特別行政區立法會委員會sc_hs101_17@legco.gov.hk

備註
[1]1999626日,時任保安局局長葉劉淑儀聯同時任律政司司長梁愛詩向全國人大常委會尋求釋法。全國人大常委會對《基本法》作出全面的解釋,內容如下
1. 常委會有權根據第158條第1款作出有關解釋
2. 有關解釋是對《基本法》第22條第4款和第24條第2款第(3)項作出的有效和有約束力的解釋,香港特區法院有責任依循
3. 有關解釋的效力是
·         根據第22條第4款,各省、自治區、直轄市的人,包括第24條第2款第(3)項所指的人,不論以何種事由要求進入香港特區,均須依照國家有關法律、行政法規的規定,向其所在地區的有關機關申請辦理批准手續,並須持有有關機關製發的有效證件方能進入香港特區
·         有關人士要或為第24條第2款第(3)項所指的永久性居民,在其出生時,其父母雙方或一方必須是第24條第2款第(1)項或第24條第2款第(2)項所指的永久性居民
4. 有關解釋199771日起生效。
根據全國人大常委會的解釋,在出生時父或母都未成為香港居民的人士沒有居港權,香港政府認為此解釋使有權來香港的人數減至20[26],此數字比起未釋法前的估計第一代港人在中國所生子女(69.2)遠遠為少。


[3]莊豐源案2001年在香港終審法院判決中國大陸户籍居民在香港誕下的男童莊豐源的居港權的案件。一名來自中國大陸的非香港永久性居民19979月持雙程證逗留香港期間誕下男嬰莊豐源,由於莊豐源的父母都沒有香港居留權,按照當時的《入境條例》,莊豐源不能夠取得居港權,其祖父入稟香港法院申請司法覆核,高等法院原訟法庭及上訴法庭先後判決莊氏勝訴,香港特區政府上訴至終審法院,終審法院於2001720日判決莊氏勝訴,此一判決迅即成為案例,在香港出生的「雙非嬰兒」即擁有居港權

[4]https://news.now.com/home/local/player?newsId=248510