Tuesday, October 23, 2018

反對陳志全議員動議促請政府研究制訂讓同志締結伴侶關係的平權政策



香港特別行政區立法會
立法會秘書處 (cb3@legco.gov.hk)
衛碧瑤女士收啟﹝煩請印送各出席1024日內務會議之議員﹞
﹝抄送政制及內地事務局局
長﹞
20181023
反對陳志全議員動議促請政府研究制訂
讓同志締結伴侶關係的平權政策

各位尊敬的委員議員:

本人是香港護家協會現任會長黎浩華,敝會是以「愛護家庭,建設社會」為宗旨,本會是政治中立,並以愛國愛港為己任,更望香港能在一國兩制下能安定繁榮,好讓市民能安居樂業,並讓香港能繼續成為國家南方的一顆明珠,做到利人利己,以至能貢獻祖國!

就陳議員之上述動議,本會有意見如下:
(1)    本會反對陳議員相關動議,因為香港對不同性傾向人士十分包容,绝少歧視。更者,本港現時當務之急離不開房屋問題以至是理順貧富懸殊情況,好消解民困和民怨。所以,政府理應全力以赴,集中精力理順相關問題,當相關問題基本解決以後,社會實況和情緒理應大大改善,若有人承機要求政府針對所謂性小眾平權問題而大費周章,實在是添煩添亂,必會削弱政府行政的聚焦性及效率。

(2)    人倫有君臣(或領導及其下屬),父子,夫婦,兄弟(或姊妹)及朋友,除了夫婦有明文婚姻法,其他都不需立法規範,這是因為男女婚姻是家庭之本,家庭又是社會的基石,所以要立法規範和保護。至於所謂同性伴侶,可以從要好朋友關係來看待,沒有立法必要,若有人要求相關政策以「婚姻」模式來處理同性伴侶問題,必會削弱和破壞男女婚姻的價值和靱力。在西歐已為所謂性傾向平權以至是同性(立)婚姻立了法之國家,當中充斥著不少的逆向歧視問題,更甚者,傳統以男女為基礎之婚姻及家庭狀況,亦出現眾多問題,如高離婚率,未婚懷孕,單親以至近期的所謂多元成家﹝即不分性別之「婚姻」結合,甚至有超過2名結合人士之「婚配」(性)情況!﹞,人類文化發展至此,實在令人傷心,令人堪虞

(3)    本人認為政府若要透過政策來理順相關平權問題,則重點不應狹隘地放在同志身上,而應检視所有緊密關連人士,如兄弟/姊妹可否相依為命,以近似家庭單位得到社會支持(公屋,報税等),结拜人士以至所謂同性密友等。這樣才較全面和公道。所以本會較支持梁美芬議員修訂案

(4)    至於區諾軒議員修訂要求制訂「民事結合政策」,本會亦認為不合宜,故此反對,當中理由為:
在香港任何兩人(不論兩人的性別或性傾向是甚麼)都可自行「締結」結拜或伴侶關係,只要不宣稱為婚姻,基本上沒有法律禁止,現時民間自行安排及不違法之人際關係,根本不需立法規範或保障,若要與婚姻看齊,則其不適宜性已在上述第(2)點說明。

(5)    至於范國威議員要求制訂的重要醫療決定等安排之修訂,本會亦認為不合宜,故此反對,當中理由為:
以病況知情權而言,關於誰可得悉傷患者的病況,這其實只是關乎到各醫院內部的行政指引,基本不需法例的明文規範來處理。事實上, 傷患者可填寫入院指示,指明准許其指定人士知悉其病況。至於在急症的情況,醫院通常都會按個別情況去作出判斷和酌情處理,在合情合理的環境下,給可信賴人士 (如家人、親屬、監護人、同居者、義親、契親、社工、以至病人所屬之院舍的負責主管等)。得知患者的大概病況。

至於醫療指示代理,亦有類似之安排,若相關病人是因急症入院,急救室主管醫生都會以救人為先的原則,不會因缺乏指示﹝假設處境﹞而放棄救護病人。

(6)    說到壽險受益人,一般在相關投保人士購買保險時,已給予明確指示誰是在投保人身故時之受益人,根本不需、亦不宜法律規範。遺產承繼處境亦相若,有遺囑者不言而喻,至於無遺囑者,則現今法例已相當明確及全面,另外,投保者隨時有權更改受益人,亦不需法律規範。其他領取遺體或骨灰或一同安葬問題亦甚類似,現行安葬條例已容許任何兩位非近親關係之死者(例如養親、契親、未婚伴侶等),在死者生前寫下指示文件下,可安排與其有緊密關係之人士一起安葬,不需另外加入「民事結合」或「同性別婚姻」之規範。

(7)    至於活體器官捐贈問題,問題則相對複雜,例如根據現行《人體器官移植條例》5A條,活體器官移植的受贈人,只限與其捐贈人有血親關係,又或在該項移植時,是其捐贈人的配偶,而兩人的婚姻已持續不少於3年。若有議員認為須放寬此條例規定的話,其實不應只提出放寬給同性伴侶,也應提出放寬給其他有緊密關係人士,若是這樣,政府理應進行一次全面諮詢。

讓本會多提一下當年中國以一國兩制之方針解決香港回歸之憂慮,當中強調以互讓互諒之精神,及透過委任愛國愛港之人士出任香港回歸後主要職位,務求使香港平穩過渡,以至能安定繁榮! 另外,基本法確立香港生活方式50年不變,其不變之要素實應包括一男一女之婚姻,其理由亦如第(2)點所述,希為鑑識!

如有查訽,可電2528 xxxx 找本會許小姐,以便我們作出回覆,順頌 時祺

護家協會會長 黎浩華上
聯絡電郵:parents4family@gmail.com
郵址:新界馬鞍山郵箱438

副本送逹
政制及內地事務局局scmaoffice@cmab.gov.hk

Wednesday, September 26, 2018

二○一八年《施政報告》公眾諮詢意見書

尊敬的特首:
       因應閣下推展二一八年《施政報告》展開公眾諮詢,本人是護家協會現任會長黎浩華,本會的宗旨是「愛護家庭,建設社會」。謹此作出以下建議以供 閣下參考取用:

有鑑於香港現時形勢,對家庭及男女婚姻穩定良好發展十分不利,正是內憂外患,例如近年的離婚率十分高企,約為每年結婚數目的40%!又因社會貧富懸殊,工作,養兒育女以至居住,交通及教育都充斥著眾多問題和壓力,加上社會因為政治取態而變得相當分化及對立,可以說若政府一方仍未審時度勢,在已經高漲的壓力氛圍下,做出一些火上加油的行為,如強推甚麼為性傾向歧視和性別承認等諮詢,實屬不智,隨時會引爆一個計時詐彈!按優次,政改,23條立法,年龄歧視等都高於所謂性傾向歧視的問題,若要諮詢,倒不如先為政改或年齡歧視等議題諮詢,勿本末倒置地為所謂性傾向問題等諮詢,較詳細分析請參考附上之本會至政內局局長之意見書(PFALetter to CMAB 180924)

我們支持和諧及互讓互諒的社會,並認為一般市民皆以生活為本,即所謂衣食住行,又或說安居樂業,至於民主自由,故然是正面積極的概念,但金無足赤,人無完人!凡事都難以絕對標準來衡量,反而是善用則福,惡用則禍。今天民主自由在港其利不彰,其害則顯,如政府剛剛禁制之民族黨,就是以人權自由來鼓吹獨立,結果造成主觀激進、仇視中國及不顧後果之言行,此風不止,香港必添煩添亂!所以,我們認為追求理想的同時,必要以其可行性及實際效應來加以衡量;或說中庸之道,否則物極必反。

本會要求政府要抓緊基本法確保香港生活方式得以50年不變,在一國兩制及基本法之基礎上,應明文確立其內涵,藉以繼續維護男女兩性之秩序,一男一女婚姻的必然性及以自然男女婚姻為基礎之家庭價值,好讓香港社會能良好運作及發展,因為今天有等社運人士不斷以司法覆核為手段,挑戰香港已明文規範之男女婚姻,並為性別承認等相關議題入禀法院,務求透過法庭判令來改變社會現狀和行之有效的性別和婚姻基礎!近期終審法院的QT案以至在上訢中的梁鎮罡案都是明顯的例子。

說回本會給 閣下的施政建議和訴求,原則不離愛護家庭以建設社會。所謂家和萬事興,這是安居樂業的基礎,今天土地房屋真的是出了大問題,因為樓價不合理地攀升,遠遠超出了本地市民之承擔能力,加上外在之金融財經處境,使到香港經濟發展不斷傾斜房地產,它真是一枝獨秀。可以想像,只要再有金融衝擊或危機,樓市一旦急劇回調,香港經濟必大受打擊,這個是不講自明的道理。屆時市民必怨聲載道,大地產商不難解脫,因這是資本主義的一個自然現象,但政府是責無旁貸,必成眾矢之的,若不幸再加上動亂,便難辭其咎了!

本會欣賞 閣下對覓地建房的努力,亦基本支持由土地供應專責小組所提出的各個選項,但請以先易後難及合情合理之政策來推動,本人覺得現時香港土地問題,除了所謂欠缺土地資源,更重要者是本港的經濟結構極端傾斜房地業所至,加上現今各國不斷加印貨幣,而中國的經濟又突飛猛進,大量資金便流入香港的地產及金融市場,正是水能載舟,也能覆舟。另外,近年香港之社會矛盾不斷增加,政府施政亦欠缺魄力和遠見,便造成今日之困境。

本人深盼有關當局要認真從基礎根基及長遠的眼光來理順相關的土地問題,其中一個要素就是政府切勿閒懶散漫,要拿出應有的勇氣來重掌關鍵之掌控權,例如以港人為本的房屋計劃,應多仿傚新架坡組屋政策,實行港人港樓,按市民實質收入作為考慮,並訂立合理有效的措施防止「港人港樓」被抄賣,甚或可加上租售之限制,務求港人港樓,真正為人民服務,擺脫住房成為商品的市場買賣。

就本會所知,近年業主隨樓價急升而不斷以高百分比加租,實在令到「無殼蝸牛」一族負擔沉重,這不單不利於民生,亦會加大社會之分化及對立!敬請 閣下認真考重置租金管制措施,以解租樓一族市民之急,您可參考深圳試行租管[1] 年加幅最多5%,香港可以按照類似的百份比上限加入現時的常規租約中,其功效要比覓地建樓要快很多見效,望能認真考慮!

至於純私人市場,本會亦支持以市場及自由經濟為主導,保留合情合理之自由買賣市場份額,正是能者當之,富者萬金,各修各福,這樣一來,就是各展所長,各取所需,各人亦要自我承擔相關風險,不能一旦樓市回調,便要求政府救助。我相信這應符合香港資本主義經濟之制度50年不變之承諾及基本法之規定。

本會尚其他意見,稍後函達,敬希鑒諒,並請考慮選用,謝謝,祝 安。

護家協會 會長黎浩華上





Tuesday, September 25, 2018

護家協會出席本年9月24日政內局會面之意見書


致 香港特別行政區政府 (添馬添美道2號政府總部東座12)
政制及內地事務局局長 (面呈)
日期:2018924
尊敬的聶德權局長:

護家協會出席本年924日政內局會面之意見書

   本人感謝閣下於本年911日之上註邀約會面信,又得悉貴局今次邀約議員及團體約20個,故謹此函達,期能說明本會對相關議題之意見,以備尊考。順帶一提本會的宗旨是「愛護家庭,建設社會」。

1.   就相關之性傾向及跨性別議題,本會有以下立場:
甲. 我們支持和諧及互讓互諒的社會
乙. 反對為性傾向歧視、性別承認或同性婚姻等議題立法
丙. 反對現階段對相關議題作諮詢

2.   以下是本會相關立場的原因
甲. 香港現時形勢,對家庭及男女婚姻穩定良好發展十分不利,正是內憂外患,例如今天的離婚率十分高企,約為每年(初次)結婚數目的50%以上!又因社會貧富懸殊,工作,養兒育女以至居住,交通及教育都充斥著眾多問題和壓力,加上社會因為政治取態而變得相當分化及對立,可以說若政府一方仍未審時度勢,在已經高漲的壓力氛圍下,做出一些火上加油的行為,如強推甚麼為性傾向歧視和性別承認等諮詢,實屬不智,隨時會引爆一個計時詐彈!

乙. 按優次,政改,23條立法,年龄歧視等都高於所謂性傾向歧視的問題,若要諮詢,倒不如先為政改或年齡歧視等議題諮詢,勿本末倒置地為所謂性傾向問題等諮詢。

丙. 就外國例子,一旦為性傾向以至性別承認等立法,必會觸發社會抗爭和對立,常會造成動盪以至暴力衝突!此外,一旦相關議題立法,必會造成逆向歧視的問題,屆時言論、良心以至信仰自由必受壓制,必會禍及婚姻、教育、經商以至其他相關的所謂平權議題,例如房屋編配、孩子領養及父母權利等的矛盾!

丁. 今天適藉土地及政改諮詢,土地房屋問題迫在眉睫,又碰上山竹的衝擊,交通幾乎癱瘓,都要急於解決,若政府再推出另一個充滿爆炸性的諮詢,恐會生亂!

3.   本會對理順所謂性傾向或跨性別議題之分析
甲. 香港是一個法治社會,其運作有賴行政,立法及司法之三鼎配合,若其中一環出事,必會導致其他2環受害!

乙. 本會曾在臉書﹝FB﹞上向特首進言指出政府要認真以基本法和一國兩制為本,研究和落實行政主導[1](fulfill the Administration's leading edge),好讓三權能有效獨立運作而不分歧,以至能下情上達,政通人和,施政有理、有力及有情,好使市民能以政府為傲,政府能以市民為榮。

丙. 確保香港在過渡時之生活方式得以保存,確立50年不變之內涵,在一國兩制及基本法之基礎上,明確繼續維護男女兩性之秩序,一男一女婚姻的必然性及自然男女婚姻為基礎之家庭價值,以保守香港社會之自然根基能良好運作及發展,同時要小心分析所謂平權問題,勿矯枉過正,以至顛倒是非!

丁. 切勿讓平機會之類的機構胡作非為,因為囫圇吞棗地照抄西歐的一套平權案例以至做法,不論就歷史進程,港人風俗及國體國權都不合宜,若勉強行之(例如強行立甚麼性傾向歧視法,同性婚姻合法化等),只會張冠李戴,不倫不類,更會造成逆向歧視,社會不公,更會分裂社會,敗壞社教!事實上,平機會及近期港大民調有明顯之預設立場,十分不可靠!

4.   略論平機會之問題
甲. 本會曾於201816日向貴局投訴平機會越軌向跨部門性別承認小組遞交未經公眾諮詢及偏頗的意見書,原因如下:
平機會作為監管現行4條歧視條例的法定機構,在未經公眾諮詢和合理的內部協商﹝包括其委員會及政內局的知悉討論﹞,無理由突然間一面倒的跳出來倡議建基於所謂「自我聲明」模式的性別承認制度[2]

乙. 若相關的制度真的被政府採納的話,它必對現行男女秩序作出翻天覆地的影響,例如男女再不會單純地按某人生理性別來分野,這會影響到諸如現行的性別歧視條例的釋義和執行,對於一般的中小企而言,它們將要重新評估就男女性別所作出的安排和義務承擔,例如配偶福利,廁所之設計及數量等等,而教育界亦要重新為男女性別作出劃分標準和安排等等‧‧正是牽一髮而動全身;平機會怎可如此魯莽行事呢?

丙. 平機會近年不時藉不同活動來大力支持所謂同跨運議程﹝LGBT Agenda﹞,實在是居心叵測!例如2014年平機會所做的所謂四合一歧視條例公眾諮詢[3],當中為所謂的「事實婚姻」正名及規範化建議便引起了廣泛之爭論[4]

丁. 平機會歷任主席都被指為用人唯親及有大花筒等問題[5],甚至城大宋立功博士亦指出,平機會主席不斷替換,反映「內部管理好多問題」!

戊. 陳章明於1223日左右仍指性別承認議題在香港太新,亦有爭議性,期望可以從長計議[6]。誰知平機會於201812日發新聞稿及上載2017年尾已提交的性別承認諮詢意見書,竟建議政府採納最寬鬆的自我聲明模式及訂立多項侵害人權的立法措施!突顯其混亂以至陳主席的誠信問題!

5.   略論普通法之問題:
甲. 本會自所謂W婚權案,以至近期QT受養人案及在候審中的MK案,深表憂慮和關注,原因是終審法院一面倒的只強調所謂先例約制原則﹝stare decisis﹞而忽略了香港之獨特性,包括華人文化背境,民意及男女有別,婚姻及家庭之基石等重大元素!令人感慨及唏噓!因基本法已訂明本港可沿用普通法,但終審職能已由英倫交回本港,加上有人大釋法之規定,香港本可仿傚星架坡或大馬,明訂英倫及相關西歐法例只能作為參考,絕不能越過本地司法機構之判斷,更不能與人大釋法相提並論,否則,今天香港名為回歸,然法治仍被大英帝國拖著尾巴而行,何等謬!何等怪誕!

乙. W案中,我們同意陳兆愷法官之判詞[7],即:

(164).  There is no evidence that social attitudes in Hong Kong on the institution of marriage have changed to the extent that this concept of marriage has been abandoned or generally and substantially weakened. As I shall seek to demonstrate later, the traditional concept of marriage was one of the main bases on which the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in the cases prior to Goodwin v UK (2002) 35 EHRR 18, held that there was no violation of the right to marry by limiting the institution of marriage to exclude transsexual men and women; and it was the change in this concept in Europe and the UK as perceived by that court which persuaded it to come to a different conclusion in Goodwin.

165.  When the Basic Law was drafted in the 1980s and promulgated in 1990, the meaning of marriage in art 37 must have been informed by the state of the domestic legislation at the time. (See the relevance of the state of domestic law as part of the context for interpretation of a constitutional provision in Chong Fung Yuen v Director of Immigration (2001) 4 HKCFAR 211.) The right to marry under that article was clearly intended to refer to the right to marry of a man and woman as it was then understood. The case law and statute law have adopted the Corbett approach, i.e. applying only the biological criteria, in deciding whether a party to a marriage is a man or woman. That was the basis of the right to marry intended to be protected under art 37 when it was drafted/adopted and promulgated.

170.  Until the present case, the position has always been that the right to marry protected under art 37 is understood to refer to the right to marry under the current legislation which was based on the Corbett approach. While a constitutional provision can be given an updated meaning if the circumstances so require, there must be strong and compelling reasons for the Court now to depart from what has been generally understood to be the law on a matter as fundamental as the marriage institution which has its basis in the social attitudes of the community. A firm line has to be drawn between giving an updated interpretation to a constitutional provision to meet the needs of changing circumstances on the one hand and making a new policy on a social issue on the other. The latter is not the business of the court. For the former function, the court must be satisfied that there is sufficient evidence to show that the present circumstances in Hong Kong are such as to require the court to construe art 37 differently from the law which formed the basis on which this article was drafted/adopted.  In my view, in the absence of such evidence, the Court should not invoke its power of constitutional interpretation to make such a radical change.

其中170段的結論,即「法庭不應行使其憲法詮釋權力來作出如此激進之改變」,可說是鏗鏘有聲,真是震聾發聵!

本會謹此誠懇建議閣下,切密輕信荒渺無憑之聲稱或見解,所謂心病還需心藥醫,對於一些科學尚未有共識或在醫學上成疑以至是不明之現象或性傾向等問題,政府理應帶頭研究及提供因應其病理需要之跟進治療和協助,而非透過立法來強逼社會迎合某一小撮人士之訴求,再者,若政府認同本會之見解,理應在相關法律爭訟中早作準備,以釋法解決問題。祈為鑑亮,順祝
台安

護家協會 會長黎浩華上

Saturday, July 28, 2018

On United Nations Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review


To:
(1)  Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs
12/F, East Wing, Central Government Offices,
2 Tim Mei Avenue, Tamar,Hong Kong 
(Attention: Team 5)

(2)  Council Business Division 2
Legislative Council Secretariat
Panel on Constitutional Affairs
Legislative Council
7 May, 2018
PFA’s Submission to the Authority and Legco concerning Report of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region for the United Nations Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review (title amended)

Dear Sir/Madam,

1.   This is Parents for The Family Association’s (PFA) supplementary submission regarding the captioned subject to the HKSAR Authority and the Legco panel further to our earlier submission on 12th January 2018. I refer to your paper LC Paper No. LC Paper No. CB(2)1265/17-18(01) for discussion on 30 April 2018 which concerns “List of outstanding items for discussion”. Among which, the paragraph with the heading “Submission of reports by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government to the United Nations under international human rights treaties” attracts our attention. After some web search effort and noting from your relevant documents, we come across the mechanism of Universal Periodic Review under the ambit of which Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs is coordinating the current consultation and the drafting of the concerned review report.

2.  Having downloaded the background UN Human Rights Council (HRC) document[1] RES 5/1, we note from it the following paragraph as follows:
3.    The universal periodic review (UPR) should:
(a) Promote the universality, interdependence, indivisibility and interrelatedness of all human rights;
(b)   Be a cooperative mechanism based on objective and reliable information and on interactive dialogue;
(c)   Ensure universal coverage and equal treatment of all States;
       ……….
(g)   Be conducted in an objective, transparent, non-selective, constructive, non‑confrontational and non‑politicized manner;

3.    Let me first state here that PFA’s slogan is “Love your family and contribute to your society”. Regarding the UN HRC document (RES 5/1), we have the following comments:
a.         While 3(a) of RES 5/1 claims that they would promote the indivisibility and interrelatedness of all human rights, there are situations where different kinds of rights do conflict with one another. For instance, the recent development of transgender rights does clash with that of the gender rights of women in UK[2]. Other examples include reverse discrimination cases concerning the restriction of religious freedom and free expressions against same-sex marriages, sexual orientation and transgenderism[3].

b.         3(b) of RES 5/1 asserts a cooperative mechanism based on objective and reliable information for the UPR. However, we note in HK that the surveys and forums organized or run by the pro-LGBT organizations (e.g. the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC)) have a marked tendency towards biasedness as well as unsound information or data. I would like the HKSAR government to take note of it and help advance our question of how the UN Human Rights Commission can maintain a valid cooperative mechanism giving the aforesaid shortfall and partiality to the concerned agencies.

c.          It is admirable to note in 3 (c) of RES 5/1 that the UPR will ensure universal coverage and equal treatment of all States. Nevertheless, we doubt very much such a claim. The reason is quite straightforward as the UN is well known for its internal competition and conflicts among the participating nations, especially the leading powers in manipulating UN deliberation and decisions. For instance, the US was free from UN’s sanction with its unsanctioned Operation Desert Storm (17 January 1991 – 28 February 1991) against Iraq in response to Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait. One should note that Iraq had been openly condemned by the UN of its invasion while the US simply ran free. This is not only unfortunate but unjust and unfair.

d.         We agree that any valid and well-intended action should be conducted in an objective, transparent, non-selective, constructive, non‑confrontational and non‑politicized manner as per 3 (g) of RES 5/1. Unfortunately, the state of matters surrounding the UPR and its agenda is often filled with internal and external disputes, confrontations and politicized advocacy. With HK as an example, the LGBT camp has been seen very active in bringing about judicial reviews and legal appeals of such cases conducive to major social controversies and disharmony. For instances, we have seen in January 2018 that 3 so-called transgender complainants, who have undergone only partial sex reassignment surgery, made claims by filing judicial reviews in the high court against the rejection to recognize them as trans-males by HK’s authority (Q v. Commissioner of Registration – HCAL 229/2015, R v. Commissioner of Registration – HCAL 154/2017, TSE, Henry Edward v Commissioner of Registration – HCAL 189/2017). Should their cases be allowed, the existing gender definition and order would be overturned without consulting and negotiating with the general public in HK. Their acts are considered radical and extreme which might trigger legislating from the bench should the judgments were dealt with in a surprising and pro-LGBT manner! Indeed, HK is not alone in terms of such activism aiming at overturning the conventional order and traditions of a region or country. Some examples will be cited in the following paragraphs.

e.          PFA would like to comment that ideologies or legislations with an equality label do not always produce true, constructive and non-confrontational equality. It is more often than not, when such equality concerns sexual orientation, gay marriage and transgender rights, that reverse discriminations and inequality would be generated as a result.

4.         The examples pertaining to PFA’s comment in the previous paragraph (3.d.) are many. We would only cite a few in order to illustrate our worry and point. They are:
a)     W.W. Bridal Boutique in Bloomsburg, PA, USA to Close after Deadly Threats: https://radio.foxnews.com/2018/03/30/bridal-shop-to-close-after-deadly-threats/)
c)     Teacher accused of 'misgendering' child was told by police that she committed a hate crime: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/2018/02/23/teacher-accused-misgendering-child-told-police-committed-hate/)
d)    AFL clears transgender footballer Hannah Mouncey to play in state women's leagues: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-02-13/afl-transgender-player-hannah-mouncey-to-play-vflw-football/9443590)
e)     Controversy over Transgender women are welcome in the Ladies’ Pond: http://www.hamhigh.co.uk/news/transgender-women-are-welcome-in-the-ladies-pond-say-hampstead-heath-swimmers-1-5339359)
f)      The Ashers Baking Company's case (religious freedom vs inequality accusation): https://www.christian.org.uk/case/ashers-baking-company/
It is sad and unfortunate to say that we can easily add similar cases to our list. For instances, there are many other relevant cases as registered at https://blog.scs.org.hk/category/逆向歧視/ To sum up, we do think that we have illustrated our worry and point with the above citations. We would summarized our observation by pointing out that the UN HRC’s UPR principles are far from what they claim to be fair, constructive and non-confrontational. Indeed, they are unrealistic and often biased towards the LGBT agendas.

5.    We wish to reiterate our former opinion of 12 Jan 2018 as per para. 3.d. in our previous submission, namely, Hong Kong is mainly a Chinese society and has returned to China since 1997. We are now under the One Country Two Systems constitutional setup. It is something unprecedented and unique in the world. The existing UN system with its instruments are mainly designed for independent countries having an undeniable presence and influence from the major western countries and principalities ever since its establishment[4] on 24 Oct. 1945. Such a background has complex implications for UN’s neutrality and unbiasedness. As a result, many of its proclamations and instruments were not and have not been fully recognized or enacted by any particular country in the world. Accordingly, there is NO reason why HK should follow a strict and verbal adherence to the UN instruments or charters even though HK was signed into a number of its conventions by our former sovereign state (i.e. UK).

6.     As a matter of fact, UN is subjected to a number of controversies and criticisms ever since its establishment in 1945. It is stipulated in Article 2 of the UN Charter that:
1. All the member states are equal.
2. The member states shall fulfill their obligations to the UN honestly.
………., and
7. No member state shall interfere in the internal affairs of any other state.

The reality is UN lacks adequate funds to meet all its objectives. The 5 permanent members of the UN Security Council have disproportional influences over UN decisions. Some critics have attributed the UN deficiency to its cumbersome and excessive bureaucracy. Probably the most controversial issue with the United Nations is the Oil-for-Food scandal[5]. It is sufficient to state here that UN’s performance and credibility are at risk while UN does has an aspiration and profound goal for maintaining world peace and safe-guarding humanity with a set of common principles. As a contrast, we find the former Chinese premier Chou En-lai’s Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence[6] much more agreeable, realistic and helpful in solving international disputes. One can also refer to the Guardian’s report[7] entitled “70 years and half a trillion dollars later: what has the UN achieved?” for a more in-depth look at the UN problem.

7.     The government’s “Third Report of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China in the light of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights” (The 3rd Report) (http://www.cmab.gov.hk/doc/en/documents/policy_responsibilities/the_rights_of_the_individuals/ICCPR_3rd_report_en.pdf)
Pertaining to which, we have a special opinion on Article 26: Right to equal protection before the law. We agree to the government’s stance as prescribed in para. 26.10, namely, “at this stage, self-regulation and education, rather than legislation, are the most appropriate means of addressing discrimination in this area. We will continue to address discriminatory attitudes and promote equal opportunities on ground of sexual orientation through public education and administrative means, with a view to 120 fostering in the community a culture of mutual understanding, tolerance and mutual respect.”

8.   PFA wishes to express our deep concern and objection again to the ideas of enacting legislation that specifically prohibits discrimination on ground of sexual orientation and gender identity. We are equally opposed to the legalizing of same sex marriages. The main reasons are as per items (a)-(f) of para. 3 of our earlier submission of 12 Jan. 2018. We would like to emphasize again that marriage between one man and one woman is of paramount importance as it, as an institution, is the foundation of families. In turn, families are the foundation of our society as spelled out in Article 23 of INTERNATIONAL COVENANTON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS (ICCPR). Any imprudent and rush effort to interfere or upset the aforesaid marriage institution would result in grave consequences to our society at least in the medium to long term (if not immediate)!

9.     We agree with Legislator Dr. Priscilla Leung’s comment[8] that it is unsuitable to push forward for the so-called anti-discrimination laws on either sexual orientation or other gender equality grounds including transgenderism. Reverse discrimination is certainly one of the drawbacks of such legislation. However, it is even more detrimental to our education system and its autonomy will be at stake. PFA has to point out also that the extended consequences of such anti-discrimination legislation are much more than the average citizen can foresee. With solid and relevant examples from the western world where such legislations are in place, we are worried and agitated to say that the LGBT(+) agendas are catalysts toxic to the natural marriage of one man and one woman. It would overturn the sexual order and deprive parents of our conventional and appropriate rights (right to choose the type of schools for our children, right to know about our children’s privacy for purposes of protection, etc.). For both the religious institutions and the average citizen, the concerned legislation would confine and limit our freedom in terms of speech, conscience and religion. Things as put forward in para. 4 of this submission are typical examples of the various infringing consequences.

10.  We also note that Legislator Mr. Raymond CHAN Chi-chuen urged the government to produce a timetable on enacting the anti-discrimination laws regarding sexual orientation and related LGBT agendas (https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=eVJ9yzLvwNM). We strongly oppose to such a request with the various reasons put forward in this submission, especially those highlighted in the previous paragraph.

11. PFA would reiterate again that the government should conduct an independent review and scrutiny by relevant independent experts on the legitimacy of the content of so-called discrimination law review (DLR) and consultations done by the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) to see if the EOC has any ultra vires motions or unjustifiable actions in producing the relevant DLR reports. We would urge the government to take a proactive stance to bring about well-intended peer review to scrutinize the operation and mandate of EOC. For instance, Dr. Alfred Chan, the chairman of EOC, has been criticized and involved in a number of allegations. The following links are brief reports for reference:
It is worth noting that Dr. Alfred Chan was of the opinion that he and the general public of HK has yet to decide on whether it was right to accept self-declaration as a means of gender identity in a media interview on 23 Dec. 2017. It is just about 10 days away on 2 January 2018 that EOC announced that it supported self-declaration as a means of gender identity[9]. We reason that either Dr. Alfred Chan has changed his mind rapidly or the EOC management was out of his control so that his view is no longer representative. As such, the government has a due responsibility to find out the actual reason behind this weird event. Perhaps, the EOC really needs a timely overhaul.

12.  PFA wish to bring up the importance of Article 27 of the Basic Law guaranteeing HK residents shall have freedom of speech, of the press and of publication; freedom of association, etc. Article 141 of the Basic Law stating that community organizations and individuals may, in accordance with law, run educational undertakings of various kinds in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is also relevant. Furthermore, Article 5 states clearly that the previous capitalist system and way of life shall remain unchanged for 50 years in Hong Kong. This promise should include the one man and one woman marriage institution as marriage is the foundation of the natural family which in turn is the foundation of the society. Indeed, both the government and HK citizens should endear and honour the Basic Law as our mini-constitution.

13.    As HK is still subject to the British Common Law practices, we wish to cite Lord Penzance’s classic judicial definition of a “Christian Marriage” in Hyde v Hyde[10] (1866), namely,

  • “Marriage is an institution. It confers a status on the parties to it, and upon the children that issue from it. Though entered into by the individuals, it has a public character. It is the basis upon which the framework of the civilized society is built;”
Lord Penzance rightly and sharply pointed out the importance of marriage as a foundation of the society. Besides, it is through marriage that our children are to be born and bred legally. Thus, the family arising from such natural marriages would be the core and facility for reproduction, education and upbringing of our children who would become the successors of the human society at large.

14.  In terms of child protection, we would opine that the best way to do so is through a positive interaction and promotion in the community level. Thus, the general citizens should have easy access to facilities or organizations designed with a view to promote family values and assist needy families. The average citizen coming of age for marriage should be encouraged to receive marriage counselling and sound family value courses. Such counselling and family value elements could be taught through the education system of HK. As HK is a rather busy and stressful society, post-marriage and family support services should be made available to the needy ones. Hopefully, the society and the average citizen would then be well aware of the importance and contributions of marriage and family to the wellbeing of our society which in turn would increase the sense of belonging of Hong Kong residents. Legal or government control should be seen as the background support and the last resort to uphold child protection otherwise HK will become a very legalistic society where coherence and harmony would likely be superficial and costly. We therefore agree with the authority that there is no need for establishing another human rights institution to duplicate the functions of or supersede the existing human right mechanism in HK (see para. 2.3 of The 3rd Report).

15.    Last but not least, the government should be held accountable for any misleading and false claims or information as submitted by organizations such as the EOC or any person with a personal interest should such claims or information be accepted without vetting or factual verification. In terms of changes especially those radical changes such as gender recognition and the so-called comprehensive sex education as pushed forward by liberal activists from either the UN or the western world, we would humbly request the government to conduct comprehensive scientific and fact finding studies before any official endorsements are granted.

Submitted by

Mr. Howard Lai,
President, PFA
Email: parents4family@gamil.com